Wednesday, December 28, 2016

The Efficacy of Subsidizing of Public Transit


Public transportation infrastructure is a vital part of any local economy. While many may agree on the importance of freeways, streets, and roads, there is strong disagreement about the efficiency of public transit. This result in public transit funding faces continually bifurcated sources as it fights other transportation needs.  According to the National Transit Summaries and Trends 2015, “On average passenger fares fund 33 percent of public transit operations in the United States, with another 12 percent generated directly by the transit operator. Local and State sources fund 24 percent and 23 percent, respectively; Federal Government sources fund the remaining 8 percent.” (Department of Transportation, 2015) However, transportation funding at the local and state level has long been dependant on the revenue stream provided by the outdated taxes, which have lost buying power due to neglect. This, coupled with lower allocation levels in the mid 2000’s put transit funding on a steady path to a financial cliff. The solution was a Self Help sales tax measure, as embraced by the majority of California, which will serve as a test case, but also nation wide. While public transit does not always cover it’s operating expenses, consistent subsidizing of public transit is vital for two main reasons. First, there are economic losses associates with allowing public transit to fail and great returns on investment with public transit. Second, climate change will necessitate less reliance on vehicles and greater dependence on mass transit to solve the crisis. These benefits from public transit subsidies are consistent with the urban transit economic literature discussed towards the end of this paper

Why Self-Help
 While most public transportation funding had come from the revenues generated by the gas tax, according to selfhelpcounties.org, there has been a thirty seven percent decrease in the buying power of the gas tax since 1993 when California stopped adjusting it. This was around the time self help strategies had been adopted in California.  In this time period, technology made the gas tax strategy obsolete with fuel-efficient cars and an effort to reduce carbon emissions.  The Self Help method is not just a sales tax strategy, but a two-thirds majority voter approved half a cent sales tax to fund transportation infrastructure. This provides a guaranteed funding source to the local transit authority that it can then allocate accordingly to various projects. This strategy has been the bulk of actual and estimated transportation expenditures since 2000. Once a county agency or transit authority gets the revenue, then pays the collections and administrative costs, they can then determine how the revenue is allocated to what projects. This strategy provides top to bottom accountability to the voters and adapts to under-performing projected revenues. In Orange County, OCTA M2 project manager Tamara Warren explained, “It is a 1/2 cent sales tax that goes to transportation improvements based on an Ordinance that was created and approved when passed.  Currently the sales tax revenue forecast is estimated to raise $14.2 billion over the 30-year plan period (2011-2041).  The Ordinance specifies how the funding is allocated and there are a number of projects and programs within the plan that have varying ways of being allocated.  Generally speaking, the plan is broken into four main areas.  Freeways (42%) - set projects and scopes, Streets and Roads (32%) - funding allocated by formula with some funds going directly to the local jurisdictions by formula and some available to local jurisdictions on a competitive basis; Transit (25%) - several programs with most allocated to local jurisdictions through a competitive basis (agencies submit applications and they are rated based on set criteria); and an Environmental  (2%) program designed to protect our waterways by preventing transportation related contaminants and debris from entering the waterway…Prior to the allocation of net M2 revenues to the Freeways, Streets and Roads, and Transit categories, M2 funds are first directed to the following “accounts”, as outlined in the Renewed Measure M Ordinance No. 3. Funds are disbursed out. ” (Warren, 2016) This adaptability is how OCTA has averted budget crisis and other ongoing challenges.
Efficiency in Action
Orange County’s Measure M1 and M2 are examples of the Self Help strategy’s efficacy to fund public transit. The phrase conveyed by OCTA’s project manager and Self Help website is, “promises made promises kept”.  M1 (1991-2011) provided 4 billion in transportation improvements in 20 years. Including the widening of SR22, and numerous other projects between freeways, roads and streets that enhanced traffic mobility in Orange County. This could be why in 2006, Measure M2 was approved with 70% of the vote 5 years before implementation and extended for 30 years. Presently, M2 is operating under the M2020 Plan, which is an adaptable guide to M2 funded projects until 2020. This was bolstered by the early action plan approved by the OCTA board to accelerate implementation of M2 funds prior to their 2011 collection. This is not to say that the Self Help strategy has been perfect for OCTA. As figure 1 indicates, M2 came up about ten billion dollars short in August of 2016 from its 2005 development forecast. However, realistic estimates of external funding, updated costs estimates, programs scale to available revenues are leading OCTA to plan their spending for projects differently by letting revenues accrue and spending when cash flow is high, and saving when revenue is not, as shown in figure 2 (octa.net, 2010).  This kind of economic rationality would imply that transit authorities are just as efficient as any other firm.
Figure 1: Measure M2 projected sales tax revenue

Figure 2: OCTA’s Measure M2 cash flow

When evaluating the efficiency of subsidizing public transit it is important to recognize the uncomfortable truth that public transit is a monopoly. However, to call public transit an inefficient monopoly isn’t exactly correct. First, transit naturally forms into a monopoly, due to its spatial impacts and high start up costs. While conventional monopolies often result in dead weight loss because of their supplier singularity, public transit only appears inefficient when one only considers the price equilibrium to be where the marginal private benefit and the marginal social cost intersect, rather than the intersection of the marginal social cost and marginal social benefit curve created by positive externality. What is the positive externality that shifts the MSB curve outward?  Research suggests that there are economic gains to be made in public transit investment. According to a 2008 report by the American Public Transportation Association, “The study finds that the economically and socially optimal investment program outlined above would generate significant economic and social benefits relative to the costs of achieving them. The present-day value of the program’s total life-cycle benefits between 2008 and 2038 would total an estimated $2,359 billion. Total life cycle cost over the same period (capital and operating expenses) would be $539 billion for a net benefit of just under $1830 billion- and economic rate of return of 23 percent” (APTA, 2008)



Also, the negative impact of recent service cuts in response to declining ridership in Orange County’s public transit highlighted the equity aspect of subsidizing transit, because even though OC’s rider population is small, the service is vital to them. To adapt to underperforming venues, OCTA opted to eliminate certain routes, create new ones that cover the combined eliminated routes while keeping routes that have a more regular ridership, which depends on these routes for their transportation needs (Kwong, 2016). With a program as large as Measure M, it is necessary to do a P.E.S.T. and S.W.O.T. analysis for Self Help.
Political
Economic
Social
Technological
Tax climate:
General public reluctance towards new taxes.  Openness to this particular tax strategy because cost appears small (half cent). 
Figures on tax revenue from these kinds of taxes found in Figure 1.  Gains from capturing positive externality of public transit.
Allows for local control of transit funding for transportation infrastructure. 
Each city will have to pass a respective tax meaning there is no technological barrier to implementation. 




Strengths
Weaknesses
Opportunities
Threats
-Voter approval by 70% across the country.
-Allows a modicum of local self sufficiency
-Can also allow funding to tangential projects
-Money can be siphoned or misappropriated
-Tax can lead to loss of efficiency and creation of a deadweight loss monopoly, however, not likely, as the nature of public transportation infrastructure is such in size and scale that any provider public or private would be a natural monopoly.
-Future tax measures to be supported
-Transportation expanded
-Ride sharing
-Austerity
-Economic recession


Pros and Cons
Self Help is not impervious though, despite its ability to facilitate a consistent revenue source for subsiding public transit. One positive aspect of Measure M as well as similar measures is that they are demonstratively popular with the voters both in California and nation wide. Eighty percent of California’s populations between 19 counties have approved similar measures, with dozens of other counties nation wide opting for this strategy.  With any sales tax supported subsidy, there is a vulnerability to economic recession, such as 2008’s, that can affect the revenues needed to support public transit. Another positive part of Self Help is that public transit investments have benefits to freeways and roads by alleviating congestion and vehicle usage, adding an environmental gain. Finally, another drawback of the discretionary nature of Self Help is that arterial freeways and roads may receive disproportional allocation in relation to transit, which could distort the cyclical benefits of investing in public transit.

To Subsidize or Not to Subsidize
            One of the main objections to public transit subsidies is that they are monopolies incapable of efficiently determining the price equilibrium of supply and demand. A conventional commodity would find its price at the intersection of its cost and return. However, passenger fares only cover a small portion of public transit funding overall resulting in the majority of public transit to be subsidized. Public transit is not like other commodities though. As the renowned transportation economist Herbert Mohring pointed out in his landmark Optimization and Scale Economies in Urban Bus Transportation, “Transportation differs from the typical commodity of price theory texts in that travelers and shippers play a producing, not just a consuming role. In using common carrier services, they must supply scarce inputs, their own time or that of the goods they ship, that are essential to the production process.”(Mohring, 1972) This is what later becomes known as the “Mohring effect” justifying transit subsidies, suggesting that “the magnitude of mass transit scale economies and hence the lower bound for an optimal transit subsidy policy” as Mohring points out is higher than what is often supplied. Kenneth Small also concludes, “That today’s substantial operating subsidies for transit systems are warranted on efficiency grounds, at least for the three major metropolitan areas studied. The main caveat is that some of the subsidy may be lost to inefficiency or captured by labor unions, given the evidence cited earlier of increases in wages and other costs following transit subsidies.”
This is why OCTA opted to rearrange routes rather than broad service cuts. Small also points out Moring’s assertion that “ …users’ waiting or access costs declined as service frequency or route density is increased. A related point is that the higher passenger density allows vehicles to be operated with higher occupancy, thereby saving on the transit provider’s costs.” (Parry and Small, 2009)
However, not everyone is convinced, Peran van Reeven contends, “If travel behavior is such that consumers do not use the timetable, then the profit-maximizing frequency is identical to the welfare maximizing frequency, and can be operated profitably. This result applies to high-frequency public transport systems in particular. The practical implication is that private operation of these systems in is efficient, even without any subsidy.” (van Reeven, 2008) Small countered this, though, by writing “The empirical literature has not directly addressed the issues raised by van Reeven (monopolist’s profit-maximizing choice versus social optimality), but rather, has analyzed whether profiting additional subsidies to encourage operator to lower their existing fare and/or expand their existing frequencies is socially desirable.” (Savage and Small, 2009) Anecdotally speaking, private transit providers often only produced it as a supplementary good to profit maximize other capital investments, such as the Pacific Electric Railway or the Red Car service supported the real estate developments in southern California of the Huntington family between 1901 and 1964, only to be replaced by the current transit authorities Los Angeles, San Bernardino, Orange County, and Riverside County.  

Conclusion
            The aim of this paper has been to examine the mechanics and the efficiency of funding public transit. While public transit appears to be inefficient as a monopoly, a closer look reveals that the inefficiency of transit stems more from underinvestment in service overall.  Also, it is flawed to overlook the cyclical economic and social benefits of subsidizing public transit in favor of the loss of private profit maximizing strategies because of the unique nature of transit as a commodity. This line of thinking appears to be akin to the grass always being greener on the other side. The adaptability and transparency of Self Help strategies such as Measure M1 & M2 allow for rational allocation based on their jurisdiction’s individual needs, even in the face of lower than expected revenues. This is a funding strategy that individual cities could confidently pursue within Orange County, in places of expected population growth such as Irvine, to ease the congestion associated with a denser population. Finally, it is important to recognize the exceptional political popularity in conservative Orange County of Self Help, given it is after all, a tax.    











Works Cited

HDR|HLB Decision Economics. (2016, February 8). The Optimal Supply and Demand for Urban Transit in the United States. In American Public Transportation Association. Retrieved November 29, 2016, from http://www.apta.com/gap/policyresearch/Documents/TCRP%20Transit%20Investment%20Final.pdf

Kwong, J. (2016, February 11). Some bus routes saved after OCTA modifies plans. OC Register. Retrieved from http://www.ocregister.com/articles/service-703842-route-octa.html

Mohring, H. (1972, September). Optimization and Scale Economies in Urban Bus Transportation. The American Economic Review, 62(4), 591-604. Retrieved from JSTOR (http://www.jstor.org/stable/1806101).

Measure M2 M2020: the Next Ten Years. (2010, October). In octa.net. Retrieved November 9, 2016, from http://www.octa.net/pdf/TOC%20Next%2010101116.pdf

Office of Budget and Policy. (2016). 2015 National Transit Summary and Trends. In . (Ed.). N.p.: Federal Transit Administration U.S. Department of Transportation. Retrieved from https://www.transit.dot.gov/sites/fta.dot.gov/files/docs/2015%20NTST.pdf

Parry, I. H., & Small, K. A. (2009, June). Should Urban Transit Subsidies Be Reduced? The American Economic Review, 99(3), 700-724. Retrieved from JSTOR (http://www.jstor.org/stable/25592479).

van Reeven, P. (2008, May). Subsidisation of Urban Public Transport and the Mohring Effect. Journal of Transport Economics and Policy, 42(2), 349-359. Retrieved from JSTOR (http://www.jstor.org/stable/20054051).

Savage, I., & Small, K. A. (2010, September). A Comment on 'Subsidisation of Urban Public Transport and the Mohring Effect'. Journal of Transport Economics and Policy, 44(3), 373-380. Retrieved from JSTOR ( http://www.jstor.org/stable/25801406).

Transportation Needs Rise While Funding Declines. (2010). In www.selfhelpcounties.org. Retrieved November 11, 2016, from http://www.selfhelpcounties.org/Declining_Transportation_Funds_FactSheet_021113.pdf

Measure M: Envisioning the Future (2014)
In www.selfhelpcounties.org. Retrieved November 29, 2016, from
http://www.selfhelpcounties.org/focus/counties/Orange.pdf


Warren, T. (n.d.). In J. D. Eurell (Ed.), Email Interview Questions About Measure M1 & M2.

Thursday, August 18, 2016

Donnie Can’t Dish it Like this Cripple, so He Should Hire Me

Donald J. Trump is many things, a creepy father, serial adulterer, and be Republican Presidential candidate. However, none of these things bother me as much as his role as a habitual hater of the cripples (or disabled). It isn't the fact that he constantly insults a group of people that bare no responsibility that have been born with or being in that particular situation, it's that the Spray On Don can't dish the verbal violence that this crippled comedian can.

Allow me to state my qualifications and my purpose. Being that I'm multiple time participant in the World Famous Comedy Store's Roast Battle and as someone with cerebral palsy that's in a wheelchair, I'm going to show the lead singer of The Small Hand Band, Don T., I am the man to write disabled material for him. I'll do this by writing better jokes about the disabled people Donald Trump has mocked, then I'll roast the millionaire Duvet Toupee himself.

Lets start with Trump's attack from last November of Serge Kovaleski, after Trump lied about one of this reproter's 2001 articles . What grinds my gears about this is Donald Trump denies mocking the disabled reporter's arthrogryposis arm, dispite clearly contorting his left arm while making a joke. Nevermind the cliche ableist cowardis of acting like he didn't just dis a disabled person, I'm just going to replace his jokes with my soul torching insults.

"You should see this Serge Kovelski guy, his disability is as hard to pronounce as his name, I don't know how he survived as a columnist with no typing hands; it's probaly why he no longer works at The Washington Post, and now ia at the failing New York Times. His memory is as twisted as his forearm".

Moving on, Trump's insults of paralyzed commentator Charles Krauthammer were like the previous attacks in how they only vaguely attack the disabliity in a very glib way.Trump said Charles Krauthammer was a loser who just sits there and can't buy a pair of pants. I thought The Donald was supposed to be proudly politically incorrect! Those who watch my comedy videos on Youtube (link here https://www.youtube.com/channel/UChD53_ErZBIKeKegoDUA8dQ) know that I ridicule disability outright.

"Can you believe this jebroni Charles Kripplehammer? His ideas are as outdated as his attempts to hide his disability from the public. Chuck's as severed from reality as his spine is from his body. We call him Chucks cause that's what he lines his wheelchair with to protect his seat from his incontinence. Don't give him a gun, he can't stand his ground! But at least Chucks has more legs than his buddy Bill Kristol's ideas of how to bring democracy to Iraq".

I think I made the case for why Mr. Duvet Toupee should leave denagrating disabled people to the qualified professionals, so that it remains as funny as possible; Trump's humor is inaccessible as his numerous properties. I can see through Donald Trump, for instance I know that the only reason he seems patriotic is because he looks like an eagle who has had all the feathers plucked from its face. Joe Eurell knows Donald Trump better than Donald Trump knows Donald Trump. While Donald Trump sees himself as the King of Debt who is a succesful businessman, I know he's really the Baron of Bankruptcy, who's dead brother has better business sense than he does.

Finally, the most important reason the Baron of Bankruptcy should hire me, is that I'll work for free and we all know  the Don's record on not paying the people he contracts to do work for him

Wednesday, August 10, 2016

Entitlement: The Conservative Animus for the Disabled

July 26th marks 26 years since the passing of the Americans With Disabilities Act, which was a landmark piece of civil rights legislation, which prohibits discrimination in employment, public accommodations, communications, and government activities. Even though a Republican signed the bill into law, the aim and enforcement of the ADA violate every tenant of the American Right’s worldview. From policy to rhetoric, the right has for decades sought to marginalize the plight of the disabled American.
It is not clear whether this animus is conscious or unconscious, but it is unmistakable. Indeed the fiercest opposition to accommodation came from several sects from the base of the American Right. The Chamber of Commerce led the charge against structural accessibility, claiming it would be a costly headache for small businesses. While the cost of renovating is real, it isn’t unreasonable to assume that a business owner would get a tax credit for making their facility more accessible. Also, disabilities are often times worse than headaches.  However, this exposes the ludicrous claim that the free market is benevolent in how it naturally adapts to the needs of consumers. Why didn’t the free market necessitate structural accommodation before 1990, the answer goes to the heart of the free market conservative ideology, disabled people didn’t contribute enough to the economy to warrant accommodation. This point segways into the difference in policy approach to the American Right and the American Left.
The gap of difference between the right and left about the disabled is predicated on conservative intellectual opposition to the dreaded “central planning”, and their perennial admiration for the private sector.
Social Security Disability Insurance is a major source of conflict against the disabled. From my own research and personal experience from being on the program, I was able to deconstruct the arguments against SSI and SSDI. From the beginning of the program, conservatives felt that supplemental income disincentivizes economic productivity among the disabled. To this day they claim that the program is fraught with fraud and abuse. However, my research indicates that from a sample of 1,523 cases from 11 cities found that the rate of fraud was one third of one percent, most of which was related to belated discontinuation of payments and beneficiary error in understanding eligibility. Early opposition to the SSDI and SSI programs were also predicated on the conservative’s preference for rehabilitative programs, rather than long-term subsidies. This is the crux of the right’s animus towards the disabled, the economic impact having a life long chronic disability from a medical condition like cerebral palsy, down syndrome or spinal bifida throws a monkey wrench into their Calvinist fantasies about personal responsibility.  Besides, since the conservatives opposed the existence of these programs, the fraud and abuse argument is a disingenuous canard.
Administrative changes about the definition of who is disabled might need to be made, for example, disability public policy should recognize the distinction between the chronically disabled and the aged disabled. The conflation of the two is the root of the problem of over accommodation from programs like SSI or parking permits. That said, conservative opposition to programs such as these is ideological and reflexive.  In many ways the argument of over accommodation or fraud is pretense for opposition to these sorts of government programs conceptually. Ultimately, the best way to accommodate the chronically disabled would be to have a monthly individual subsidy similar to SSI, yet separate from the larger Social Security program itself. This animus is even evident in their opposition to programs that only benefit the recipient indirectly, such as a section 8 housing subsidy.   
            One of the more comical moments of the 2012 and 2016 Republican primaries was the two Texans Rick Perry and Ted Cruz forgetting what departments of government they would see fit to eliminate. Senator Cruz said in 2016 that he wanted to eliminate the Department of Housing and Urban Development outright, and it was eluded to in the 2012 Republican debates. Now, them saying that HUD should be eliminated gives no consideration to those benefitting from Section 8 Housing.  Section 8 is a program where the government pays two thirds of the beneficiary’s rent, which benefits the property owner more directly than the beneficiary. However, many conservatives would comment on the lower quality of section 8 housing, comment on how housing subsides skews their beloved free market by keeping lower quality housing on the market, or they’ll even go so far as to say this skewing effect was the cause of the 2008 housing crash, rather than collateralized debt obligation being traded as an asset in the stock market as Yanis Varoufakis explained in his book The Global Minotaur.  Just like with SSI, the best way to accommodate the disabled with a housing subsidy would be to create an entirely separate section for the life-long chronically disabled, that asks the beneficiary to contribute a quarter of the rent, rather than a third. If we combine the administration of the previously mentioned supplemental income subsidy with this housing subsidy, the levers of public policy could be used to mitigate the economic impacts of the life-long disability.  Furthermore, there should be block grants designated for the funding of debt free college for the disabled through grad school. Aside from those programs the lifelong disabled should be allowed to maintain a personal savings account of up to $100,000 which would not be counted against their federal supplemental income, housing, or educational subsidies. 
All of these programs would then be administered at the federal level by a cabinet position known as the Secretary of Disabled Services. This would be easily assembled since many of these programs already exist, and just need to be streamlined into a more user-friendly approach. The funding for this approach would be drawn from 3-5% of the annual military budget. In so doing the military disabled, as well as the born disabled would be covered without having to depend solely on the V.A. Of course, this would require veteran care to be combined to the cost of the defense budget rather than something separate. In other words, disabled veterans could draw more benefits from the programs I’m prescribing, which would alleviate some strain on the Veteran’s Administration as a whole.
            The aim of these suggested programs is to provide a modicum of economic certainty that is otherwise denied to the disabled and their loved ones. This uncertainty of being born with a disability can manifest itself in different ways. A report authored by Senator Tom Harkin pointed out that 28% of disabled people of all ages from 18-64 live in poverty, which is double the national average from 2013. The disabled in America still face a certain amount of economic marginalization and isolation stemming from lack of understanding by the non-disabled majority. Many conservatives would say that it would be better to allow private organizations to care for the disabled through donations. However, it is easy to learn the flaws in this approach, given that most of the history of assistance programs in the United States was through the private sector. Kim E. Nielsen’s book A Disability History of the United States outlines the inadequacies of many private organizations to be able to understand what truly was a disability and to accommodate those they recognize as disabled. This is to say that those with mental disabilities were less likely to receive assistance than with those with severe physical disabilities because the administrators of these organizations were the determiner of who was deemed worthy of accommodation, rather than the disabled themselves. Also, the idea of subsidizing assistance programs by private donation only, is a system that more benefits those donating as they get a deduction, which reveals yet again the conservatives hostile disregard of the disabled as people, simply because of the perception that those on assistance subsidies don’t contribute to the economy.

             Finally, it is necessary to address the root of this animus, , the word entitlement. That is what existing assistance subsidies are called. Indeed, it is easy to imagine a conservative reader of my afore mentioned policy prescriptions calling them, as well as my tone, entitled. To this I would retort that to describe any disabled person as economically entitled is a callous affront to their character. The term entitlement implies that the disabled have endless options beyond government assistance; it implies a level of choice that is not afforded to those born with a disability. The only way assistance programs for the disabled could accurately be called entitlements was if the word entitlement referred to the constant complaining of the “Free Market” conservative about taxation subsidizing “non production” in these assistance programs. It seems as if these conservatives feel that taxation is a greater burden than the circumstance of having been born with or developing a chronic life long disability.

SOURCES:

http://www.opensecrets.org/news/2013/03/powerful-interests-oppose-strengthening-of-disabilities-law/

http://crippledpiper.blogspot.com/2015/11/if-it-isnt-broken-leave-it-alone-policy_15.html

http://www.nytimes.com/interactive/projects/cp/election-2016/fourth-republican-debate-highlights/cruz-follows-perry-with-an-oops-moment-of-his-own

The Global Minotaur, Chapter 1, section 2 by Yanis Varoufakis

http://www.help.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/HELP%20Committee%20Disability%20and%20Poverty%20Report.pdf

A Disability History of the United States by Kim E. Nielsen





Thursday, July 21, 2016

Sanctuary City Status is Not Related to Violent Crime


Give US Shelter from Callousness 

In July 2015, the country was shocked by the accidental shooting of Kathryn Steinle by a homeless, undocumented immigrant. Less than a month before, real estate billionaire Donald J. Trump had announced his bid for the Republican nomination centered on the idea that undocumented immigrants were an economic and criminal threat to the United States. Despite the shooting being accidental and the Mexican immigrant had been deported five times prior, Trump as well as others, pounced on the story as an illustration as a broken immigration system unable to enforce its laws.  Their narrative contended that San Francisco’s status as a sanctuary city was the catalyst for the Steinle shooting given that San Francisco was the first in 1989 to adopt city ordinances that forbade state and local law enforcement from inquiring about someone’s residency status.
Indeed, immigration enforcement has been a hot button issue since 1996. Most recently however, Cal State Long Beach’s police department issued a directive to withhold cooperation with Immigration and Customs Enforcement by detaining or even enquiring as to a students immigration status. This is why I choose to pose the research question, is there a difference in violent crime rates in sanctuary and non-sanctuary cities? The null hypothesis is that there is no difference, while the research hypothesis is that there is a difference. My prediction going in was that there was a negative difference in violent crime rates between the two categories of cities, that non-sanctuary have less crime. It is important to note fore the purposes of this paper that the distinction between sanctuary and non-sanctuary cities is not an empirical data point, rather an accepted argument by those seeking to have stricter immigration law enforcement.
          The data is a combination of information pulled from Census.gov Annual American Community Survey Data and FBI Annual Crime Reports about years 2010 through 2014. The data included information on total population, naturalized foreign born population, non U.S citizen population, unemployment rate, median wage, and total number of violent crimes surveyed from 12 American cities. The cities were broken into two separate groups, sanctuary cities: San Francisco, Los Angeles, Miami, New York City, Salt Lake City, Seattle, Portland, and Boston. Non-sanctuary cities: Phoenix, Atlanta, Birmingham, Indianapolis, Columbia, Dallas, Cleveland, and Charlotte. It is important to note when considering the variables included in my data set that it does not include information on the undocumented population of these cities, for the reason that that group is by definition not documented. The closest variable representing that information is those in the cities’ population who are not U.S citizens that could include but would not be limited to the undocumented community.   It is also important to note that the violent crime data from the FBI is raw data that defines violent crime as murder, non-negligent manslaughter, rape, robbery, and aggravated assault. As with most social science research I will be using a .05 significance level.
To answer my research question I ran three separate statistical tests, an independent T test, and two different multi variable regressions with different dependant variables, VPCBENJAMIN and the raw violent crime rate. Ultimately, the model that proved most accurate was the multi variable regression with the raw violent crime rate as the dependent variable.
Once that data set was loaded on to SSPS I recoded violent crime into a new variable VPCBENJAMIN by dividing the violent crime rate by population/100,000. This allows us to view violent crime rate per one hundred thousand.  This also allows us to compare groups of city populations based on whether or not they are sanctuary cities despite the differences in population between the 12 cities. The sanctuary status was defined by the values 1 being a sanctuary and 0 being a non-sanctuary city. By doing all this I was able to run an independent T test of the test groups’ sanctuary status with the recoded variable VPCBENJAMIN. What it found was that there was statistically significantly lower crime rate in sanctuary cities versus non-sanctuary cities by about 308.3134.  The significance level was .000 meaning that the difference between the means of these groups is very significant.  Since this paper is supposed to be a more in depth project, it seemed necessary to run other tests including a multivariable regression to see how foreign populations specifically impact violent crime rates. 
Then, I ran a multi variable regression with the same recoded dependant variable, with the predictors population, unemployment, median wage, sanctuary status, naturalized foreign born citizens, and not US citizens. Non US Citizens and Unemployment came back as statistically insignificant at the .05 level.  Only Naturalized US Citizens had a positive coefficient.  This meant that as the Naturalized US Citizen population increased, there would be an increase in violent crimes.  For each Naturalized US citizen added to a city, the violent crime rate per 100,000 would increase by .003.  However, the adjusted R square for this model was only .673 which means the model overall is not very accurate at explaining the violent crime rate in a city even with the amount of predictors.  
Finally, I ran another multi variable regression with the same predictors as the previous regression, but with a different dependent variable, the raw violent crime rate.  I did this because when I recoded the violent crimes rate to per 100,000, this reduced the amount of variation in the dependent variable and therefore reduced the statistical significance of individual independent variables.  Running the regression with raw crime rates and population in the independent variable section should allow for greater significance and a higher R squared for the model.  The regression showed that now all explanatory variables were significant at the .05 level.  This revealed that the population and naturalized foreign-born citizens had a positive coefficient, while all other variables had negative coefficients.  Since this model had an adjusted R square of .986, this seems like the most accurate model to help address the research question of there is a difference in violent crime rates between sanctuary cities and non-sanctuary cities. Looking at the coefficients a most seem to be consistent with common knowledge.  For example, as median wage increases, the violent crime rate decreases.  Similarly, as population increases, so do the violent crimes.  Most importantly for this research question though, was that the coefficient on sanctuary cities was -1393.061 which means that we could predict a sanctuary city to on average have 1393 less violent crimes per year compared to a non sanctuary city.  This finding is consistent with the independent variable T test.  Given the results of both the T test and multivariable regression I am forced to reject the null hypothesis that there is no difference in violent crime rates between sanctuary cities and non-sanctuary cities.  There is clearly a difference between sanctuary cities and non-sanctuary cities in violent crime rates.  The findings of this research paper are contrary to popular belief that sanctuary cities are more dangerous than non-sanctuary cities.  This is relevant to public administrators who consider the political risks of embracing sanctuary policies. They can take comfort in knowing that a city can be compassionate without putting its residents in danger of suffering the effects of violent crime rates.
Admittedly, one could critic this analysis by saying my sample size was not large enough, or that I cannot safely make inferences about the relationship between a rates of undocumented immigrants and violent crime rates seeing as how I have no variable to directly represent the undocumented population. However, there is research on that information out there, only it can not be applied to my data set because that information is statewide data, whereas mine is city data. As I said before even though the shooting of Kathryn Steinle was accidental, and her shooter had been deported five times, the cognitive dissidence of those like Donald Trump is what drives them to make a wrong interpretation of the direction of violent crimes in relations to a city’s sanctuary policies.  They will always maintain that the undocumented are the cause of the broken immigration system, and not 85 years of contradictory immigration policies designed to provide the agricultural industry with cheaper labor that render the undocumented as merely pairs of arms for labor. One could collect my same set of data from the next five-year period in 2020 (2015-2019) and compare the coefficients and statistical significance to measure my accuracy. Finally just out of curiosity, I did a independent T test of the dependant variable being unemployment, with the test groups being sanctuary status and found extreme statistical insignificance of .848 meaning that there isn’t any real statistically significant relationship between unemployment and a cities’ sanctuary policies.     









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Friday, April 15, 2016

The Roast of Senator Ted Cruz

            Senator Ted Cruz only argued against people's right to stimulate their genitals because he can't stimulate anyone else's genitals...Ted also looks the type of guy who brags about never masturbating, even though no one asked. 


Ted has been quoted as saying you wouldn't want to have a beer with him, because he'd probably drug you. And being a conservative, he would make you buy the drink.

Ted has been accused of having multiple affairs, which is unlikely given how unpleasant his very presence is; especially since his mediocre looking wife, Heidi, clearly settled.  Ted actually opposes dildos because he unsuccessfully competes with one for his wife's attention. 

As a legal professor, Cruz was so repugnant to his students that a failing grade was worth not having to flirt with him.
 
But Ted has argued successfully before the Supreme Court, mostly because no wanted to hear him speak anymore. Ted is actually a southern Baptist, which is weird most people wish he would just drown.

Ted isn't without controversy though. He attacked Donald Trump's wife because when Ted tried to do a  wife swap, Trump did what he always does and didn't follow through with his end of a deal. To make things more awkward, Ted watched them anyway! 



But Ted would never attack Trump's hair, because he looks like Razor Ramon's hair became a person.


 
Despite the fact that no one admires him, Ted Cruz admires segregationist Senator Jesse Helms, though nobody named Rafael Eduardo Cruz would be white enough to speak with Jesse Helms. But Cruz would be a great advocate for segregation, seeing as how we all wish he would be segregated from public life.  




Ted I hope you fail in all your future endeavors!

Kindly Fuck off,

---Joe Eurell